Monday, September 27, 2010

Venezuela: Parliamentary Elections... in the Big Apple

Congratulations to Venezuela! I know, it's late for congratulations but I had to get my facts straight for this post. Here I go:

Even though the government tried to play subtle tricks to win most of the seats in the National Assembly (AN), the opposition still managed to win most of the votes during the parliamentary elections of 2010. But what I really wanted to talk about is my personal experience as a voter and see if anybody else, in Venezuela or overseas, had the same experience. Personally, I had a few issues.

First, I did not know until Saturday, September 18th, 2010 that Venezuelans living overseas could vote for parliamentary elections on September 26th. One of my cousins in Maryland called and explained it to me. Honestly, I have heard about it but dismissed them as rumors since I received such information from chain-emails. It turns out that now there is a Latin American Parliament and we can elect a representative to the AN to represent Venezuela in Latin America affairs. Likewise, we can also vote for a representative to the AN to address Native Indian affairs in the Latin American Parliament. Note that the AN is unicameral.

I visited the website for the National Electoral Council (CNE in Spanish) to confirm what I had heard. It was true, but I was angry. I wrongly assumed consulates would inform their constituencies ahead of time that they are able to vote in this parliamentary election, but of course they didn't - at least not the consulate in New York City. And please don't tell me that there's a way to sign up for "email updates." According to their website, email updates constitute cultural affairs and support for the Bolivarian Revolution (in Spanish). All consulates have contact information from registered voters and their duty was to inform voters, ahead of time, about the changes in the voting process. Such lack of communications only encourages citizens to rely in rumors and that, in turn, creates confusion. Exactly what an autocratic government - pretending to be a democracy - would do.

Second, when visiting the website, you will see a list of candidates and their respective parties and a PDF file containing a copy of the ballots. The ballot only shows the logo of the party but no name. I think we naively assumed that the day of the election we would be able to vote by representative, not by party. One party may have several candidates. So if we can't choose a representative but a party, we could be voting for a candidate we don't even like. Honestly, I don't know how would the CNE decide which representative is suppose to take office. Here's an example, the government's parties (PSUV, PCV, and UPV) had 22 candidates for the Latin American Parliament. Remember, we were allowed to vote only for one party, not a representative. Let's say that I wanted to vote for a candidate running with the PSUV. The PSUV had six candidates, how on earth only one person  from one party is chosen among six candidates when, again, we voted for a party, not a candidate. See my point? In other words, if somebody wanted to vote for Roy Chardenton but does not like Calixto Ortega, again how does the CNE makes a difference? Both candidates belong to the same party.



Third, none of the representatives from the Native Indian communities had a website or any information online. In all honesty, I think that only members of the Native Indian communities should vote for their representatives, not the entire nation. Yes, it is true that most of us - Venezuelans - have indigenous ancestry, but it is quite far back in time and very well mixed with African and European ancestors.  

Other than the observations above, I didn't have much trouble with the voting process. And so we went to New York City, that's where the closest consulate is for Venezuelans living in Pennsylvania.

 
Protesters chanting, "Right, left, coup-plotters go to hell!" or "Venezuela listen, we are fighting!"
 
The biggest issue right now - something I am still trying to comprehend - is that the opposition won 52% of the votes, but not the majority of the seats. According to what I understood, this is because constituencies are overrepresented, meaning that the number of representatives in rural and urban states are about the same. This system was established a while ago, but it became worst after the senate was eliminated and the AN approved a new law changing the electoral process. Coincidentally, the states were the ruling party (the PSUV) won are mostly rural states. However, I think it's better if you read what I found in El Universal, make your own conclusions, and if you understood how it works, please explain it to me. This is as confusing as the recent Prime Minister elections in the United Kingdom. On September 28th, Andreína Flores, a reporter with Radio Francia and Radio Caracol, asked the president to clarify this. This is how he answered (in Spanish): http://www.eluniversal.com/2010/09/27/v2010_ava_chavez-se-enfrasca-e_27A4529491.shtml 


Additionally, I have to mention two things that concerned me and another one that was comforting. Let's start with the good one. During the electoral process a group of alleged Chavez supporters were protesting in front of the consulate against "US intervention" and "coup-plotters" in Venezuela. It is not the first time I see protests in front of the consulate in New York. Usually, you would find both groups chavistas (Chavez supporters) and opposition supporters. But there was no opposition protest - I was puzzled by this. Though, I took it as a sign of maturity. I was even more comforted when I was quickly able to correct someone who was saying that such kind of protesting shouldn't be allowed during elections. I reminded her that we were not in Venezuela but the USA and that people had a right to protest here without the need to get a permit. I think I was happy to see the civic atmosphere that day: chavistas protesting freely, opposition supporters voting (some shouting chants at the chavistas too), the electoral process running smoothly.

The two things that concerned me are -

First of all, this is the second time I don't see the long line of voters going around the block that I used to see before (even during snow storms). We arrived there at around 10:30 a.m., I was expecting to see more people. In fact, El Universal (in Spanish) reported that an estimated 67.5% of register voters attended the polls. This is an indication that the opposition needs to renew its leadership, and work with the student movement and other smaller parties. For instance, the two most popular candidates from the opposition party were Henry Ramos Allup (in Spanish) and Hernan Escarra. An Adeco (a name referring to members of the party Accion Democratica), who represents the old political elite that paved the way for Chavez to rise to power, and a former military officer. No wonder people keep voting for Chavez, or worst yet, they don't vote. We don't have new alternatives. 

Second, my father and I are journalists and as such we couldn't avoid the temptation of taking pictures and shooting videos. While we were photographing and videotaping the pro-chavista demonstration, a photographer, who seemed to be a Chavez supporter as well, took pictures of me and my father. The way he did it was awkward. It came up right to me, quickly and softly asked for a picture and I said it was OK (even if I wasn't OK with it he has a First Amendment right to take pictures in a public area). His lens was right up my face, taking a portrait picture when he could have taken an action photo of me taking pictures of the protesters. This made me feel unconformable. I immediately felt the sense of being under scrutiny but paid no attention, as long as I'm not in Venezuela I don't worry too much about potentially being the subject of espionage. I mentioned the incident to my dad who had the same experience. Arguably, the photographer could be saying the same about us.

Later, I learned from a high school classmate that there was a fraud during elections. She posted the following on her Facebook status, "NGRESEN A LA PÁGINA OFICIAL DEL CNE Y COLOQUEN ESTAS CEDULAS: 11870910; 7217609, 24234355; 4308005, 16666860" (Translation: "Go to the CNE's website and enter the following ID number 11870910; 7217609, 24234355; 4308005, 16666860"). And I did, twice in fact. I emailed the CNE but have not received a response yet. I called them three times but nobody picked up the phone and there's only one phone number posted in the website. Although this like fraud, it could also be a hacker. Even if it was a hacker, how come it has been in the CNE website for more than three weeks? And if it was a fraud, why would they be so obvious about it? If there's anybody in Venezuela who has access to them I'd appreciate if you can find out what is wrong with the information released after entering the numbers above. 

As of October 13th, 2010, the CNE has not released the complete results of the parliamentarian elections. I am still waiting to see what the results were from the voting process in the Big Apple.



Anyway, I'm happy and optimistic because the AN has finally diversify... I am CAUTIOUSLY OPTIMISTIC.



I hope that the opposition is aware this time that the only way they can end the process of authoritarianism is by uniting and opening the doors to new leaders. I also hope that they will avoid actions such as the walk-out of parliamentary elections in 2005 which handed nearly the entire AN in a silver plate to the ruling party. Likewise, I hope the government leave the opposition govern. I hope they will not resort to dirty tricks such what they did to the Mayor of Caracas, Antonio Ledezma, an opposition politician.

Friday, September 24, 2010

Q&A with Ingrid Betancourt

Elizabeth Perez-Luna and Ingrid Betancourt
You gotta love local institutions like the Bryn Mawr Film Institute (BFMI)!

Few weeks ago I read that one of the upcoming one-night-only film screenings was the documentary "The Kidnapping of Ingrid Betancourt" AND that Ingrid Betancourt was coming to this corner of the world AND that she was having a book signing of her memoir "Even Silence Has An End." Could this get any better? I mean, what are the chances that Ingrid Betancourt would ended up in a suburb in Philadelphia... and walking-distance from my home.

If you don't know about her story I highly recommend that you do your own Google search. Then you will understand why I was in disbelieve for a while that I was going to get the chance to meet her very briefly. But don't worry, I will still give you a quick summary about her.

Betancourt is a former presidential candidate who was kidnapped in by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) while she was campaigning in 2002. She was later rescued in 2008 and immediately left to France where she holds citizenship. During 18 months she secluded herself to write the book mentioned above. A process I suspect became therapeutic for her and helped heal many wounds.

She does not consider herself a hero, but I think she is. Anyone who has survived confinement, or any other deprivations of human rights, without being touched by malice is a hero. As she was speaking during the Q&A session it seemed as if the very essence of her being (her soul) was never corrupted during those years of imprisonment.

So on Thursday, September 23rd I arrived at 6:30 p.m. to BFMI hoping to ask her a few questions to post in this blog. For a moment I thought I should have called BFMI in advance but I know that a public figure touring the world to promote her book and a documentary already has a tight schedule. I was not going to get a chance to talk to her, even if I called a couple of weeks in advance. Indeed, that was the situation and I did not get the interview. Although, I am hoping after the tour is over - and after I read her book - I will be able to ask her some questions.

The schedule was suppose to be first screening the film and then the Q&A session. Well, it didn't quite work that way. BFMI was having trouble with the projector. About fifteen minutes into the movie the projector froze and we waited for a while for BFMI workers to fix it. Luckily, BFMI figured we might as well start with the Q&A and later watch the documentary.

It worked out perfectly. After all people were really looking forward to listen to Betancourt and ask her questions.

Betancourt answer questions in a very tranquil and soft-spoken manner, even when she disagreed with a comment, and at times trying not to cry. She began introducing us to her life before the kidnapping and where she comes from. At one point I was glad to hear Betancourt said what I have been thinking about all this time. She requested more than $6 million from the government of Colombia for damages for emotional distress and loss of earning during her time as hostage. Some people in Colombia were angry by this decision. Like them, I was also shocked that she was taking legal action against the government that rescued her and not against the FARC. But I kept saying to one of my friends from Colombia, "We don't know why she's doing this, we don't know what's really behind it or whether the government in fact played a role in her kidnapping." Also, I couldn't judge her and I still can. Not even if I watch the documentary and read the book. Rather, I can try to understand. And in fact, that's what she said. People are too quick to judge and we should try to put ourselves in the position of the other person, thinking what we would do in their place.



"I have to confess that I felt abandoned by my fellow countrymen for many years," Betancourt said. "And the guerrillas were nasty because for them... not being, I mean... it was like I was suspiciously French. It was something that was bad. But sometimes in the radio when they would talk about me I could feel that there was this [mockery about being French-Colombian]. And it hurt my feelings a lot because I was there as a Colombian. So surprisingly enough I became very French I think by reaction. I was pointed at that French person that is, you know, disguising as a Colombian and then I said 'OK, I'm French.' Now, I feel very French but I feel very Colombian too. I think most of all I feel unrooted, I think I don't belong to any place in particular. I have found that I belong to where my loved ones are, that's my home,  that's my country."
 
Even though I didn't get to ask all of my questions, we were asked to write a question in advance for the Q&A. I have done this before - ironically the last time I did was during a conference with former Colombia President Alvaro Uribe when he visited the National Press Club in Washington D.C. in 2008 - but my questions never get picked.

This time it did!

Elizabeth Perez-Luna, WHYY's Executive Producer of Audio Content who was moderating the Q&A, picked my question and read it: "If [Betancourt] eventually decides to go back to politics and Colombia, how would she deal with the guerrillas and the drug cartels?"

"There's no quick fix in Colombia," she said. "I would negotiate, I would chase them with military means because I think it's a combination of both. But I think that the core of the problem with the guerrillas, and specially the FARC, is that they have turned to be a drug cartel. So the question is, how badly they want to stay a drug cartel? Because being a drug cartel has advantages, I mean you get rich, you get to buy weapons, you can control a zone and in that zone you are God. I mean, you decide over life and death... So I think we need to offer better things to the guerrilla... I think as a society there are many things that have to change because I think peace will finally be the result of social justice. And to achieve social justice I think we just have to change our hearts because I think we are too cold, we are too [cynical]... And I think Colombia lives in two worlds. There's a Colombia in the cities where you can live like you live in Europe or in the Unites States and you don't see the world... But when you go out there are streams of blood, there's a whole war - bloody war - people suffering and in a way we need to put those two Colombias [looking] to the eyes of each other and that link has to be made. I think for that to happen there's something in your heart that has to change."

Another question was picked: "Who do really credit for your liberation?"

She paused for a moment to think and responded with a list of people that goes in the following order:

1.) The heroes in the helicopter
2.) The commanders who planned the rescue
3.) Former President Uribe who risked his men in the rescue operation
4.) People around the world who made it an urgent political issue
5.) Different French presidents who made it a French issue and related it to diplomatic relations between Colombia and France
6.) President Nicholas Zarkosy who made it a global issue
7.) President Hugo Chavez. (She was booed softly by some of the members of the audience seating in the front rows. Somebody also said "ouch!" to which she responded, "Yes, 'ouch!' But... he was the one who liberated nine of my fellow hostages and he acted in a way that was very interesting because he was interested in the problem and because he was successful in liberating hostages, then it was important not to let him have the trophy of the others. And I think if he hadn't been there, you know being active, perhaps we could be still in the jungle and I think you have to give credit to everyone.")
8.) God and her family

Perez-Luna recommended the audience to listen to This American Life where there is a segment addressing the importance of a radio station in Colombia that transmits message to hostages from their families. It certainly portrays a picture of why is so important for hostages to have a radio nearby and how receiving messages from family members can help a hostage stay alive. Only families can send messages, hostages can't send back radio messages. So the families never know if the person they are talking to is still alive.

Betancourt mentioned that it was faith that kept her going. She grew up in a catholic family. "God is part of a cultural tradition," she said. Certainly, Christianity is well-rooted in Latin America.

"I asked [my captors] for the Bible, I got the Bible thanks to Mono Jojoy," Betancourt said. She added that initially reading the Bible was boring, being in captivity is boring. So she pushed herself to read the Bible until she found a different book. She found an intelligent voice that made her laugh.

Betancourt said she had many hours to think. Her routine was to work out to keep her body in shape and read the Bible to nurture her soul.

"They cannot take the freedom to decide what kind of person you want to be," Betancourt said.

A black-and-white excerpt of Betancourt's Q&A can be found online at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j2fE1qpXrKc

P.S: We never watched the documentary. BMFI offered the audience to either stay until the projector is fixed or get a refund. I got a refund... and right afterward the film had started! Anyway, I can always order it in Netflix...

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