La Vida en El Barrio

Carlos Beltrán y Naomi Schiller

Siempre hemos escuchado críticas - sobre todo dentro del círculo académico - sobre los medios de comunicación en cuanto a la tendencia a presentar noticias negativas y su efecto en el público. Resulta ser que esa es la naturaleza del trabajo periodístico, erróneamente percibida como negativa porque su contenido per se es negativo pero su función en sí es más bien positiva para la vida democrática.

Después de todo la prensa no está para resolver los problemas sociales sino para denunciarlos, ese es su granito (al menos en teoría). Es el ciudadano y el gobierno, en conjunto con entidades privadas y organizaciones sin fines de lucro, quienes deben resolver sus propios problemas.

Sin embargo, lo que a veces falta en los medios de comunicación es información sobre las soluciones, o posibles soluciones, a los problemas que denuncian. 

Fotos de los barrios tomadas por Beltrán

Esto es precisamente el objetivo del fotógrafo y productor Carlos Beltrán. Su misión fue entrar a los barrios de Caracas en busca de "la otra cara de la moneda," el lado positivo de la historia siempre violenta. 

En ese sentido, Beltrán le dio otra perspectiva a la manera de hacer periodismo. A sus 24 años de edad, Beltrán no solo fotografió los barrios sino que hizo también un documental titulado "The Slum Culture" el cual será estrenado en Marzo del 2011.

Beltrán estuvo recientemente en Filadelfia, Pensilvania, exponiendo sus fotos y promocionando el documental. Trabajando en los barrios encontró gente llena de esperanza  y seres independientes, y en ese proceso él mismo encontró respuestas a sus interrogantes sobre la vida en el barrio. Lo que lo llevó a hacer este proyecto fue pura curiosidad ya que Beltrán no creció en un barrio de Caracas sino en un vecindario de clase media, para él - igual que para mi - el barrio es tierra foránea.

“Soy prácticamente un turista en el área donde ellos viven,” Beltrán comentó. "La mayoría de la gente que vive fuera de los barrios no cononcen las condiciones duras en las que se vive en estas zonas. De niño vivía protegido en una burbuja, los barrios eran vistos como lugares peligrosos y se suponía que no debía andar por allí. No más esa prohibición me causo curiosidad. Desde ese entonces, en los últimos años he estado estudiando la posibilidad de hacer un trabajo de investigación, conocer a la gente de los barrios y sumergirme lo más que pueda en esa cultura, una cultura a la cual no tuve acceso por muchos años," dijo Beltán en una entrevista con la escuela de periodísmo de The University of Kansas.

Lo interesante de la exposición, organizada por una amiga de Beltrán estudiante de University of Pennsylvania, es que presenta a la gente de los barrios, es decir la gente que ha pasado más trabajo, como personas con mucha esperanza y con la disposición de mejorar su propia comunidad con o sin la ayuda del gobierno. Encontrar una actitud tan positiva dentro de las comunidades que más han padecido es admirable. 

La exhibición contó con un panel de antropólogos expertos en cultura urbana y Venezuela. Ellos son Philippe Bourgois, de University of Pennsylvania, y Naomi Schiller de Temple University.

Durante la discusión Bourgois pidió al público que visitaran el Norte de Filadelfia para que se dieran cuenta del estado tétrico en el que esta esa zona de la ciudad, la cual cree que es peor que Caracas. Añadió también que Estados Unidos se encuentra a la cabeza de países desarrollados con más desigualdad social. 

Crédito: The University of Kansas (http://www.journalism.ku.edu/news/carlosbeltran.shtml)

“De alguna manera, Venezuela está maldecida por su propio petróleo,” dijo Bourgois al explicar el caso de Venezuela.

También añadiría aquí que ambos, Venezuela y Estados Unidos, tienen una disyuntiva muy similar: Países llenos de riquezas y sin embargo tienen problemas sociales serios.

Por su parte Schiller argumentó que por mucho que Beltrán haya querido hacer un documental apolítico, es todo lo contrario. Beltrán reconoció el elemento político e incluso sus tendencias políticas personales como anti-chavista - más no alguien radical - pero enfatizó su esfuerzo en presentar a los barrios sin censuras y mostrando su lado positivo.

“Venezuela es políticamente intensa,” Schiller dijo añadiendo que el trabajo de Beltrán “...es muy político… Es intelectualmente estimulante… Un país tan dividido y a su vez tan lleno de esperanza”

Mi opinión en este asunto es que Beltrán se adelantó a los hechos. Es bastante difícil hacer un documental en Venezuela sin tocar el tema político. Sin embargo, creo que Beltrán hizo bien en tratar de ubicar a la política como un elemento más del documental y no como elemento protagónico. El problema social en los barrios – y por ende en toda Venezuela – no es un problema de políticas sino de reforma social, es decir, de pautas sociales y legislativas que pueden ser cambiadas de acuerdo a las necesidades de ciudadano más no responde a caprichos políticos, como ha sucedido con el Presidente Chávez y algunos de sus predecesores. En ese sentido, el factor político no es permanente sino circunstancial. Una cosa es la política y otra cosa es la política social. Dos actores completamente distintos.

Otros dos datos interesantes son los siguientes. La mayoría de los venezolanos asume que el pobre tiende a simpatizar con Chávez. Beltrán encontró algo distinto, más no lo que muchos quizás hubiesen supuesto. La gente de los barrios es bastante independiente de la gestión del gobierno, ellos mismos son los que organizan y toman iniciativas para arrancar y completar proyectos en la comunidad. Beltrán se encontró con algunas personas que apoyan a Chávez, otras que no, pero en general se consiguió con una neutralidad política. El segundo dato es que algunas personas residentes de los barrios se pudieran considerar gente de clase media. Pero entonces, ¿por qué viven en los barrios? Porque gastan menos en vivienda, transporte, electricidad, agua y además se sienten seguros.

¡Si tan solo el gobierno ayudara de verdad!

Con ayuda no me refiero a los programas sociales que funcionan generalmente cuando hay campaña política y solo tapan los problemas sociales en vez de resolverlos a profundidad. ¡No! Me refiero a crear una plataforma de servicios sociales que atiendan las necesidades del ciudadano independiente de ideologías políticas. 

Por su parte, Beltrán estará pronto viajando a Brasil en compañía de otro fotógrafo para hacer el mismo trabajo en las famosas favelas. 

Para más información sobre sus proyectos puede visitar su página web o su cuenta de Facebook.

The Slum Culture According to Carlos Beltrán

Carlos Beltrán and Naomi Schiller

Among communication scholars there are concerns about the media providing too much negative news and the effect on audiences. As a watch-dog, however, the press is expected to report any wrongdoings, hence it is perceived to be negative.

Although, this doesn't mean that the press never reports on something positive, quite the opposite. But the public also needs to understand that is difficult for the press to separate truly positive news from public relations campaigns.

Having said this, what the media sometimes doesn't report about are the solutions to problems. But why would they? After all, the media's role is that of a news messenger, not as a problem-solver. It is the duty of public officials and citizens to resolve problems.

Photos of shantytowns by Carlos Beltrán

Yet, someone decided to challenge a bit that perspective without crossing the limits of journalism ethics. Photographer and videographer Carlos Beltrán, 24, set out to do just that, and he just beginning. I haven't seen his documentary, "The Slum Culture", since it won't be released until March 2011, but he was recently in Philadelphia to present a photo exhibition and promote his documentary which explores the barrios or shantytown in his native Caracas (Venezuela). He went inside the barrios to see "the other side of the coin," a positive side to the often violent story of the slums. What did he find? Hope (that's how change begins). How did he do it? As he so gracefully explained it: driven by curiosity.

"I'm basically a tourist in the area where they live," Beltrán said about working in the barrios. "Most people living outside of the slums of Caracas are oblivious to the conditions that are endured in those areas. As a kid I was kept inside of a social bubble, the slums were supposed to be horrible places and I was never to go into any of them. That alone made me very curious and for the past few years I had been planning on researching, meeting people and submerging myself as deep as I could into that culture, one that had been kept outside of my reach for so many years," Beltrán said in an interview with his alma mater The University of Kansas. 

In communities filled with crime and violence, he found hope and self-sufficiency. The photos presented by Beltrán at The Rotunda near the University of Pennsylvania reflected the life of the barrios as it is. Yet, it was also a relief to learn that the people of the barrios, despite many struggles, have a lot more willingness and the stamina to change their community that many of us who grew up in middle-class Caracas. Why am I happy to hear this? First, most Venezuelans are poor. The statistics go up and down depending on the sources but it is at least 60% of the total population, most living in urban areas. So to encounter such positive attitude among the people who have suffered the most is admirable. Second, this indicates that Venezuelans don't depend on politicians but rather need leaders and managers.

The photo exhibition, organized by UPenn student Karla Sainz who grew up with Beltrán in Venezuela, was accompanied by a presentation of the film "The Slum Culture" and a panel of anthropologists, Philippe Bourgois and Naomi Schiller, who are both knowledgeable about Venezuela's urban settings. During the conversation, Bourgois encouraged the audience to visit North Philadelphia to see the decaying state of the area - he thinks is worst than Caracas - and pointed out that the United States is at the top of the list of developed nations with the most social disparity.

"Venezuela is some sense is cursed by its oil" Bourgois said to explain the case of Venezuela. And I would argue the US has a similar problem. In both cases is appalling that the US and Venezuela are rich in resources, yet they have a severe problem with poverty.

Schiller challenged Beltran's attempt to make an apolitical documentary in a country that's so politically divided right now. He recognized and presented the political factor in the documentary, he even recognized his personal views as anti-chavista but not a radical opositor. He emphasized his effort in presenting the barrios as they are and also showing their positive side.

"Venezuela is intensely political," Schiller said adding that Beltrán's work "is deeply political... incredible thought-provoking... Such a polarized country, yet so full of hope."

My personal "two cents" here is that it is hard not to introduce the political factor in a documentary about Venezuela, but we also have to be aware that this factor is circumstantial. In that sense, Beltrán is playing three moves ahead when deciding that politics won't be the protagonist of his film. It isn't about political ideology but social policy. Two different concepts.

PRESS RELEASE_THE SLUM CULTURE from Carlos Perez Beltran on Vimeo.

Two key points here that I was surprised to hear from Beltrán are the following. Unlike what most Venezuelans think, Beltrán didn't find chavismo in the barrios. Rather he found people from the barrios to be self-sufficient, managing to accomplish tasks with or without the help of authorities. He found some people who support Chávez, some people who don't like him, but for the most part he found political neutrality. Second, he also found people who, based on their income, can be identified as middle-class, yet they live in the barrios. Why? Because they save money in real estate, transportation, utilities, and - yes - they feel safe.  

If only the government would truly lend them a hand. By that I don't mean a rapid, temporary intervention that merely alleviates the symptoms of social issues rather than tackling the cause. I would hate to see a continuation of social programs that carry political propaganda as Beltrán and I conversed while dinning at Distrito. We both agree that, regardless of political ideology, Venezuela is in urgent need for social policy as a fundamental platform. A platform that serves as a basis to resolve social problems and is reformed according to social needs, not political caprices.

Beltrán's project is beginning with a an idea that can be replicated in other poor communities around the world. He will visit the favelas in Brazil next year accompanied by another photographer. They will look for any similarities or differences with the barrios of Caracas.

To add a touch of irony, Beltrán mentioned at the end of the panel discussion that about three months ago he was robbed not by a thug from a barrio, but by a police officer. This isn't new or a consequence of chavismo. This is, believe it or not, normal in Venezuela and other third-world countries.

For more information about the documentary and photos, visit Carlos Beltran website and stay tuned through his Facebook site.

Bryn Mawr @ Nite

See slideshow: http://picasaweb.google.com/113511599253863697987/BrynMawrAtNight#

Venezuela: Parliamentary Elections... in the Big Apple

Congratulations to Venezuela! I know, it's late for congratulations but I had to get my facts straight for this post. Here I go:

Even though the government tried to play subtle tricks to win most of the seats in the National Assembly (AN), the opposition still managed to win most of the votes during the parliamentary elections of 2010. But what I really wanted to talk about is my personal experience as a voter and see if anybody else, in Venezuela or overseas, had the same experience. Personally, I had a few issues.

First, I did not know until Saturday, September 18th, 2010 that Venezuelans living overseas could vote for parliamentary elections on September 26th. One of my cousins in Maryland called and explained it to me. Honestly, I have heard about it but dismissed them as rumors since I received such information from chain-emails. It turns out that now there is a Latin American Parliament and we can elect a representative to the AN to represent Venezuela in Latin America affairs. Likewise, we can also vote for a representative to the AN to address Native Indian affairs in the Latin American Parliament. Note that the AN is unicameral.

I visited the website for the National Electoral Council (CNE in Spanish) to confirm what I had heard. It was true, but I was angry. I wrongly assumed consulates would inform their constituencies ahead of time that they are able to vote in this parliamentary election, but of course they didn't - at least not the consulate in New York City. And please don't tell me that there's a way to sign up for "email updates." According to their website, email updates constitute cultural affairs and support for the Bolivarian Revolution (in Spanish). All consulates have contact information from registered voters and their duty was to inform voters, ahead of time, about the changes in the voting process. Such lack of communications only encourages citizens to rely in rumors and that, in turn, creates confusion. Exactly what an autocratic government - pretending to be a democracy - would do.

Second, when visiting the website, you will see a list of candidates and their respective parties and a PDF file containing a copy of the ballots. The ballot only shows the logo of the party but no name. I think we naively assumed that the day of the election we would be able to vote by representative, not by party. One party may have several candidates. So if we can't choose a representative but a party, we could be voting for a candidate we don't even like. Honestly, I don't know how would the CNE decide which representative is suppose to take office. Here's an example, the government's parties (PSUV, PCV, and UPV) had 22 candidates for the Latin American Parliament. Remember, we were allowed to vote only for one party, not a representative. Let's say that I wanted to vote for a candidate running with the PSUV. The PSUV had six candidates, how on earth only one person  from one party is chosen among six candidates when, again, we voted for a party, not a candidate. See my point? In other words, if somebody wanted to vote for Roy Chardenton but does not like Calixto Ortega, again how does the CNE makes a difference? Both candidates belong to the same party.

Third, none of the representatives from the Native Indian communities had a website or any information online. In all honesty, I think that only members of the Native Indian communities should vote for their representatives, not the entire nation. Yes, it is true that most of us - Venezuelans - have indigenous ancestry, but it is quite far back in time and very well mixed with African and European ancestors.  

Other than the observations above, I didn't have much trouble with the voting process. And so we went to New York City, that's where the closest consulate is for Venezuelans living in Pennsylvania.

 

Protesters chanting, "Right, left, coup-plotters go to hell!" or "Venezuela listen, we are fighting!"
 

The biggest issue right now - something I am still trying to comprehend - is that the opposition won 52% of the votes, but not the majority of the seats. According to what I understood, this is because constituencies are overrepresented, meaning that the number of representatives in rural and urban states are about the same. This system was established a while ago, but it became worst after the senate was eliminated and the AN approved a new law changing the electoral process. Coincidentally, the states were the ruling party (the PSUV) won are mostly rural states. However, I think it's better if you read what I found in El Universal, make your own conclusions, and if you understood how it works, please explain it to me. This is as confusing as the recent Prime Minister elections in the United Kingdom. On September 28th, Andreína Flores, a reporter with Radio Francia and Radio Caracol, asked the president to clarify this. This is how he answered (in Spanish): http://www.eluniversal.com/2010/09/27/v2010_ava_chavez-se-enfrasca-e_27A4529491.shtml 

Additionally, I have to mention two things that concerned me and another one that was comforting. Let's start with the good one. During the electoral process a group of alleged Chavez supporters were protesting in front of the consulate against "US intervention" and "coup-plotters" in Venezuela. It is not the first time I see protests in front of the consulate in New York. Usually, you would find both groups chavistas (Chavez supporters) and opposition supporters. But there was no opposition protest - I was puzzled by this. Though, I took it as a sign of maturity. I was even more comforted when I was quickly able to correct someone who was saying that such kind of protesting shouldn't be allowed during elections. I reminded her that we were not in Venezuela but the USA and that people had a right to protest here without the need to get a permit. I think I was happy to see the civic atmosphere that day: chavistas protesting freely, opposition supporters voting (some shouting chants at the chavistas too), the electoral process running smoothly.

The two things that concerned me are -

First of all, this is the second time I don't see the long line of voters going around the block that I used to see before (even during snow storms). We arrived there at around 10:30 a.m., I was expecting to see more people. In fact, El Universal (in Spanish) reported that an estimated 67.5% of register voters attended the polls. This is an indication that the opposition needs to renew its leadership, and work with the student movement and other smaller parties. For instance, the two most popular candidates from the opposition party were Henry Ramos Allup (in Spanish) and Hernan Escarra. An Adeco (a name referring to members of the party Accion Democratica), who represents the old political elite that paved the way for Chavez to rise to power, and a former military officer. No wonder people keep voting for Chavez, or worst yet, they don't vote. We don't have new alternatives. 

Second, my father and I are journalists and as such we couldn't avoid the temptation of taking pictures and shooting videos. While we were photographing and videotaping the pro-chavista demonstration, a photographer, who seemed to be a Chavez supporter as well, took pictures of me and my father. The way he did it was awkward. It came up right to me, quickly and softly asked for a picture and I said it was OK (even if I wasn't OK with it he has a First Amendment right to take pictures in a public area). His lens was right up my face, taking a portrait picture when he could have taken an action photo of me taking pictures of the protesters. This made me feel unconformable. I immediately felt the sense of being under scrutiny but paid no attention, as long as I'm not in Venezuela I don't worry too much about potentially being the subject of espionage. I mentioned the incident to my dad who had the same experience. Arguably, the photographer could be saying the same about us.

Later, I learned from a high school classmate that there was a fraud during elections. She posted the following on her Facebook status, "NGRESEN A LA PÁGINA OFICIAL DEL CNE Y COLOQUEN ESTAS CEDULAS: 11870910; 7217609, 24234355; 4308005, 16666860" (Translation: "Go to the CNE's website and enter the following ID number 11870910; 7217609, 24234355; 4308005, 16666860"). And I did, twice in fact. I emailed the CNE but have not received a response yet. I called them three times but nobody picked up the phone and there's only one phone number posted in the website. Although this like fraud, it could also be a hacker. Even if it was a hacker, how come it has been in the CNE website for more than three weeks? And if it was a fraud, why would they be so obvious about it? If there's anybody in Venezuela who has access to them I'd appreciate if you can find out what is wrong with the information released after entering the numbers above. 

As of October 13th, 2010, the CNE has not released the complete results of the parliamentarian elections. I am still waiting to see what the results were from the voting process in the Big Apple.



Anyway, I'm happy and optimistic because the AN has finally diversify... I am CAUTIOUSLY OPTIMISTIC.

I hope that the opposition is aware this time that the only way they can end the process of authoritarianism is by uniting and opening the doors to new leaders. I also hope that they will avoid actions such as the walk-out of parliamentary elections in 2005 which handed nearly the entire AN in a silver plate to the ruling party. Likewise, I hope the government leave the opposition govern. I hope they will not resort to dirty tricks such what they did to the Mayor of Caracas, Antonio Ledezma, an opposition politician.

Q&A with Ingrid Betancourt

Elizabeth Perez-Luna and Ingrid Betancourt

You gotta love local institutions like the Bryn Mawr Film Institute (BFMI)!

Few weeks ago I read that one of the upcoming one-night-only film screenings was the documentary "The Kidnapping of Ingrid Betancourt" AND that Ingrid Betancourt was coming to this corner of the world AND that she was having a book signing of her memoir "Even Silence Has An End." Could this get any better? I mean, what are the chances that Ingrid Betancourt would ended up in a suburb in Philadelphia... and walking-distance from my home.

If you don't know about her story I highly recommend that you do your own Google search. Then you will understand why I was in disbelieve for a while that I was going to get the chance to meet her very briefly. But don't worry, I will still give you a quick summary about her.

Betancourt is a former presidential candidate who was kidnapped in by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) while she was campaigning in 2002. She was later rescued in 2008 and immediately left to France where she holds citizenship. During 18 months she secluded herself to write the book mentioned above. A process I suspect became therapeutic for her and helped heal many wounds.

She does not consider herself a hero, but I think she is. Anyone who has survived confinement, or any other deprivations of human rights, without being touched by malice is a hero. As she was speaking during the Q&A session it seemed as if the very essence of her being (her soul) was never corrupted during those years of imprisonment.

So on Thursday, September 23rd I arrived at 6:30 p.m. to BFMI hoping to ask her a few questions to post in this blog. For a moment I thought I should have called BFMI in advance but I know that a public figure touring the world to promote her book and a documentary already has a tight schedule. I was not going to get a chance to talk to her, even if I called a couple of weeks in advance. Indeed, that was the situation and I did not get the interview. Although, I am hoping after the tour is over - and after I read her book - I will be able to ask her some questions.

The schedule was suppose to be first screening the film and then the Q&A session. Well, it didn't quite work that way. BFMI was having trouble with the projector. About fifteen minutes into the movie the projector froze and we waited for a while for BFMI workers to fix it. Luckily, BFMI figured we might as well start with the Q&A and later watch the documentary.

It worked out perfectly. After all people were really looking forward to listen to Betancourt and ask her questions.

Betancourt answer questions in a very tranquil and soft-spoken manner, even when she disagreed with a comment, and at times trying not to cry. She began introducing us to her life before the kidnapping and where she comes from. At one point I was glad to hear Betancourt said what I have been thinking about all this time. She requested more than $6 million from the government of Colombia for damages for emotional distress and loss of earning during her time as hostage. Some people in Colombia were angry by this decision. Like them, I was also shocked that she was taking legal action against the government that rescued her and not against the FARC. But I kept saying to one of my friends from Colombia, "We don't know why she's doing this, we don't know what's really behind it or whether the government in fact played a role in her kidnapping." Also, I couldn't judge her and I still can. Not even if I watch the documentary and read the book. Rather, I can try to understand. And in fact, that's what she said. People are too quick to judge and we should try to put ourselves in the position of the other person, thinking what we would do in their place.

"I have to confess that I felt abandoned by my fellow countrymen for many years," Betancourt said. "And the guerrillas were nasty because for them... not being, I mean... it was like I was suspiciously French. It was something that was bad. But sometimes in the radio when they would talk about me I could feel that there was this [mockery about being French-Colombian]. And it hurt my feelings a lot because I was there as a Colombian. So surprisingly enough I became very French I think by reaction. I was pointed at that French person that is, you know, disguising as a Colombian and then I said 'OK, I'm French.' Now, I feel very French but I feel very Colombian too. I think most of all I feel unrooted, I think I don't belong to any place in particular. I have found that I belong to where my loved ones are, that's my home,  that's my country."
 
Even though I didn't get to ask all of my questions, we were asked to write a question in advance for the Q&A. I have done this before - ironically the last time I did was during a conference with former Colombia President Alvaro Uribe when he visited the National Press Club in Washington D.C. in 2008 - but my questions never get picked.

This time it did!

Elizabeth Perez-Luna, WHYY's Executive Producer of Audio Content who was moderating the Q&A, picked my question and read it: "If [Betancourt] eventually decides to go back to politics and Colombia, how would she deal with the guerrillas and the drug cartels?"

"There's no quick fix in Colombia," she said. "I would negotiate, I would chase them with military means because I think it's a combination of both. But I think that the core of the problem with the guerrillas, and specially the FARC, is that they have turned to be a drug cartel. So the question is, how badly they want to stay a drug cartel? Because being a drug cartel has advantages, I mean you get rich, you get to buy weapons, you can control a zone and in that zone you are God. I mean, you decide over life and death... So I think we need to offer better things to the guerrilla... I think as a society there are many things that have to change because I think peace will finally be the result of social justice. And to achieve social justice I think we just have to change our hearts because I think we are too cold, we are too [cynical]... And I think Colombia lives in two worlds. There's a Colombia in the cities where you can live like you live in Europe or in the Unites States and you don't see the world... But when you go out there are streams of blood, there's a whole war - bloody war - people suffering and in a way we need to put those two Colombias [looking] to the eyes of each other and that link has to be made. I think for that to happen there's something in your heart that has to change."

Another question was picked: "Who do really credit for your liberation?"

She paused for a moment to think and responded with a list of people that goes in the following order:

1.) The heroes in the helicopter
2.) The commanders who planned the rescue
3.) Former President Uribe who risked his men in the rescue operation
4.) People around the world who made it an urgent political issue
5.) Different French presidents who made it a French issue and related it to diplomatic relations between Colombia and France
6.) President Nicholas Zarkosy who made it a global issue
7.) President Hugo Chavez. (She was booed softly by some of the members of the audience seating in the front rows. Somebody also said "ouch!" to which she responded, "Yes, 'ouch!' But... he was the one who liberated nine of my fellow hostages and he acted in a way that was very interesting because he was interested in the problem and because he was successful in liberating hostages, then it was important not to let him have the trophy of the others. And I think if he hadn't been there, you know being active, perhaps we could be still in the jungle and I think you have to give credit to everyone.")
8.) God and her family

Perez-Luna recommended the audience to listen to This American Life where there is a segment addressing the importance of a radio station in Colombia that transmits message to hostages from their families. It certainly portrays a picture of why is so important for hostages to have a radio nearby and how receiving messages from family members can help a hostage stay alive. Only families can send messages, hostages can't send back radio messages. So the families never know if the person they are talking to is still alive.

Betancourt mentioned that it was faith that kept her going. She grew up in a catholic family. "God is part of a cultural tradition," she said. Certainly, Christianity is well-rooted in Latin America.

"I asked [my captors] for the Bible, I got the Bible thanks to Mono Jojoy," Betancourt said. She added that initially reading the Bible was boring, being in captivity is boring. So she pushed herself to read the Bible until she found a different book. She found an intelligent voice that made her laugh.

Betancourt said she had many hours to think. Her routine was to work out to keep her body in shape and read the Bible to nurture her soul.

"They cannot take the freedom to decide what kind of person you want to be," Betancourt said.

A black-and-white excerpt of Betancourt's Q&A can be found online at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j2fE1qpXrKc

P.S: We never watched the documentary. BMFI offered the audience to either stay until the projector is fixed or get a refund. I got a refund... and right afterward the film had started! Anyway, I can always order it in Netflix...

Client: Photographer/Visual Artist John Dowell

Main website: http://www.johndowell.com/

Facebook page: http://www.facebook.com/home.php?#!/pages/John-Dowell-Photographer/110184162368985?ref=ts

Photos of Atlanta on Flickr: http://www.flickr.com/photos/johndowell 

Resume

Experience:
Communications Coordinator September 2008 – June 2009
Congreso de Latinos Unidos, Inc., Philadelphia, PA

Created and implemented successful communications and public relations strategies while supporting and enhancing brand identity internally and externally with the aim at strengthening and diversifying funding opportunities. Developed and maintained media relations for the agency and communicating regularly with staff regarding internal and external events. Coordinated media opportunities and served as media representative for the agency, including the creation of press releases and other materials (publicity campaigns, photo and video shoots, radio PSAs), responding to media inquiries in a timely manner, and tracking and archiving news clips relevant to Congreso. Responsible for approving and editing flyers and other communications materials, including social networking sites, related to over 50 social programs, agency-wide projects, civic engagement and legislative affairs. Trained and supervised interns.

Program Associate May 2008 – September 2008
Reporters Without Borders USA, Washington, D.C.

Coordinated the Beijing Olympics Campaign in the United States: Invited celebrities to join the campaign and publicize it as means to pressure for the release of press freedom activists prior to the Olympic Commencement Ceremony, researched and purchased ad space and led photo shoots). Researched and monitored press freedom violation cases in the United States. Developed constant communication with victims of censorship as well as with their colleagues and relatives. Assisted the director in researching, writing and distributing reports and press releases to the media about violations of press freedom, aiming for regular coverage, and helped build media lists and contacts. Assisted the director with lobbying strategies in Congress and translated documents, press releases and/or reports to Spanish. Trained and supervised interns. Initiated and maintained social networking sites.

Editorial Assistant
Associated Press – Philadelphia Bureau June 2005-December 2005

Wrote arts and entertainment feature pieces as well as helped to write pieces on the Hispanic community in Philadelphia. Assisted with members’ inquiries and updated the members’ directory. Created and organized the daybook, a database of news assignments that was updated daily. Searched for Associated Press articles published in Pennsylvania newspapers (members only) and collected, checked and send information about lottery numbers, write-throughs and round-ups.

Internships:
Communications and Research Assistant (Co-op Internship) August 2007-December 2007
Reporters Without Borders USA, Washington, D.C.

Coordinated the Beijing Olympics Campaign in the United States. Researched and monitored press freedom violation cases in the United States. Researched issues related to the First Amendment, international relations, the Free Flow of Information Act, Internet and access to information. Assisted the director with lobbying strategies in Congress and translated documents, press releases and/or reports to Spanish. Trained and supervised interns. Initiated and maintained social networking sites.

Public Relations Assistant (Co-op Internship)
Thomas Jefferson University, Philadelphia, PA March 2003-September 2003

Created news clippings: Wrote news releases about the 2003 Commencement Ceremony, request for coverage, calendar items, and translated Public Service Announcements to Spanish. Performed short phone interviews with Jefferson graduates and web/computer-assisted research. Participated in staff meetings, maintained electronic database for media contact, and dubbed audio and video tapes regarding Thomas Jefferson. Helped organize events such as Today's Woman Health Conference, Farber Institute Dedication, Philadelphia Distance Run, and Big Walk for Little Feet, and accompanied media representatives on television/photo opportunities and campus events. Trained and supervised interns.

Education:

Villanova University, Villanova, PA
Master of Arts in Hispanic Studies  
Spring 2012 – Fall 2013

Northeastern University, Boston, MA
Candidate for Master of Arts in Journalism,
Concentration: Research Journalism
GPA 3.4
Graduated: May 2008 (ABT)

Drexel University, Philadelphia, PA.
Bachelor of Arts in Communications
Concentration: Global Journalism
Minor: Psychology
GPA 3.02
Graduated: March 2005


Publications: 
Bermudez, E. (April, 2011). Venezuela: Analysis of pro-government media intimidated by the state. Northeastern University. 120 pages


Awards:
Villanova University Tuition Scholarship 2012 - 2013
Bronze Awards in the Amateur Category (People and Portrait) of the 2011 International Loupe Awards
Certificate of Appreciation, 2009, Congreso de Latinos Unidos, Inc.
Recipient of the Spring 2008 International Student and Scholar Institute Retention Scholarship, Northeastern University
Northeastern University Teaching Assistantship (NUTA), Fall 2006 and Spring 2008 (Subject: Press Freedom and Law)
Global Pathways Teaching Assistantship at Northeastern University, Spring 2008 (Subject: Business Writing)
Allison Rose Fellow, Spring 2000, English Language Center, Drexel University, Philadelphia, PA

Skills:
Relationship building
Cultivating relationships with local media, national media, community stakeholders, and community members. Negotiation, conflict resolution, sense of humor
Bi-lingual competency
Native Spanish fluency, proficiency in Italian. Spanish Reading, writing, & two-way translation (academic level).
Event planning
Publicity, event logistics, amateur photo
Strategy
Communications and media planning, lobbying strategy
Research
Internet and database aided research, investigative journalism, media archiving and newsclippings
Writing for the media
Press releases, media advisories, executive talking points, newsletters & staff magazines. Articles & op eds (arts & entertainment, latino community, health, human rights & press freedom). Advertising & website copy.
Civic engagement
Press freedom, human rights, and civil rights advocacy; volunteering
Computer Skills
Microsoft Office (Power Point, Word, Excel, Outlook, Access), File Maker, Contribute, PC and Mac, Adobe Photoshop, Windows Movie Maker. Personal and professional experience with social media sites (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Flickr, Linkedin).

Activities:
Member of the Bryn Mawr Film Institute
Member of the Bridlewild Trails Association, Inc.
Founder member of Cultural Diversity Student Association (C.D.S.A.), Drexel University, Philadelphia, PA
Former arts and entertainment news writer, The Triangle (student newspaper), Drexel University, Philadelphia, PA
Freelance arts and entertainment writer for Campus Philly Magazine
Founder member of Casa de Venezuela, Delaware Valley
Founder member of 361° school newspaper and radio station, senior year, Colegio María Auxiliadora, Caracas, Venezuela, 1998-1999

Drexel's "Focus On"

http://www.drexel.edu/em/undergrad/get-to-know/int-students/profiles/bermudez.aspx

Congreso's 3rd Annual Gala Latina: A Night in Medellin

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IZLllrpMbKY&feature=player_embedded